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CHAPTER 3
PILOT PUSHING

For the first generation of professional airline pilots, the most persistent problem was not low pay, but safety—and the related question of job security. A pilot who played it too safe, who canceled flights too often because of weather or some other consideration, could get fired.

Airline operators had a hard-nosed attitude about schedule completion in those days and tended to regard overly conservative pilots as “slackers.” This kind of thinking was an outgrowth of the contemporary notion regarding competition, the belief that people had to be “pushed” to achieve a satisfactory competitive edge. From the operators’ point of view, the fledgling airline industry had to meet the competition, meaning railroads. Un­less airlines, like railroads, ran on schedule, no one would take them seriously.

The pilots were skeptical about entering a competition with the railroads for the sensible reason that it could get them killed. Any serious effort to compete with the railroads in the area of schedule reliability, the pilots knew, would fall most heavily upon them and would put pressure on them to take risks. More bluntly, the pilots worried less about being taken seriously by business moguls of the 1920s than about being taken advan­tage of by them.

In truth, there were two sides to this question. Some pilots were overly timid, reluctant to adopt the new instrument flying techniques as they be­gan to appear during the late 1920s and early 1930s. They were slow to abandon the old-fashioned contact-flying techniques that had seen them through so many flights before. On the other hand, some operators were too ready to adopt new flying techniques and equipment that later turned out to have serious flaws. They may also have been too hasty in their dismissal of the pilots’ weather-related complaints.

Although conflict between pilots and their superiors over when and how to fly is an old story, going back almost to the beginning of regular airmail flying, the pace of technological change in the late 1920s and early 1930s aggravated the situation. Pilots and operations managers could not agree on the issue of pilots’ authority to cancel a flight because of unsafe conditions. In a sense, it was a question of image.

By the early 1930s, the operators preferred to promote commercial aviation as an industry that had arrived, that was fully developed, mature, and no longer experimental. The pilots knew better and preferred a more conservative image, one that portrayed the industry as it really was, essentially a tax-supported public service. Because it was still heavily dependent upon the government airmail subsidy, the pilots insisted that airline service should be seen as a regulated public utility, with safety dominant over every other consideration.

This conflict of assumptions and image set the stage for a battle over safety that continues to this day. Its roots are deep in the history of commercial aviation, and one of the keys to ALPA’s growth and success lies in the way Dave Behncke utilized the safety issue in the 1930s.

In theory, airline owners agreed with their pilots that safety was the paramount goal; in practice, it was a different story. Early airline pilots were made to feel that arriving on time counted for more than arriving safely, but late. Of course everyone wanted both safety and regularity of schedules, but to the pilots it was evident that the two were not always compatible. The operators agreed in principle, although in specific cases the reasons given by pilots for canceling flights were not always acceptable to them, particularly if it cost the company money. It all boiled down to the question of “command authority”—who had it and when.

The issue of “pilot pushing,” or forcing a pilot to fly against his better judgment, was acute, particularly in the last days of single-engine airmail operations when passengers were still scarce. In the easy money climate of the 1920s, a time of cheap nonunion labor and readily available materials, the operators could well afford an occasional smashed airplane and dead pilot. On the Boeing Air Transport Division of what later became United Airlines, the Cheyenne repair and maintenance base would frequently salvage only the registration number of a crashed aircraft and then proceed to build an entirely new airplane around it. “They could go rebuild a Boeing 40B4 far better, stronger than before,” Rube Wagner says. “I don’t think anybody ever bothered to tell the Bureau of Air Commerce either.”

With the arrival of very expensive multiengine equipment, airline owners became less casual about the loss of aircraft and hence of pilots. But even then, a pilot had no recourse but to fly if a determined operations manager disputed his decision to cancel.

“The operators fired at the drop of a hat,” says Pan Am’s Roy Keeler, one of the first group of largely ceremonial vice-presidents elected at ALPA’s 1932 convention. Keeler, who retired in 1960, had gone to work for Pan Am in 1929. “The operators always talked safety. Juan Trippe and Musick, sure they wanted it. But they had short memories, and when things would go along well—no accidents—they’d forget. ‘Just a little line of thunderstorms,’ sure. They’re not flying it. But you’d better go if they said to,” Keeler remembers of the days when ALPA was still too weak to contest every dismissal from an airline. “We were all subject to dismissal for most anything anybody could think of,” says former President Charles Ruby of his experience on National during the 1930s.

Closely allied to the issue of pilot pushing was the related one of competitive flying, a managerial technique that took advantage of the natural desire of pilots to compete with each other—to see who could get through fastest or perform under the most trying circumstances, most often. Operations managers, themselves pilots, used this device to urge their pilots into flying contests. Some pilots liked it; most didn’t.

Dave Behncke’s earliest known utterances on the subject of pilot unionization stemmed directly from the sour feeling competitive flying instilled in most pilots. In 1928, Behncke was elected “governor” of the Central District of the National Air Pilots Association (NAPA), one of several semisocial pilots’ organizations that flourished in the 1920s. Some airlines were using cash incentives to encourage pilots to fly in marginal weather, and Behncke was speaking for the sober majority when he urged NAPA to adopt the slogan: “Don’t overfly a brother pilot!” By that, Behncke meant that if one working pilot refused to fly the mail, then his brother pilots should support him. Unfortunately, working pilots made up only a tiny percentage of those who claimed membership in NAPA, so Behncke got nowhere with his campaign. In a sense, Behncke’s failure to accomplish anything useful through NAPA, particularly in the area of curbing competitive flying, was one of the reasons he began the agitation that later led to the creation of ALPA.

Jim Belding (UAL) remembers Behncke’s denunciation of the evils of competitive flying as one of the main reasons junior pilots were attracted to ALPA in the beginning:

Behncke and the senior guys didn’t include really junior pilots in ALPA when they started it up in 1931, because they had no protection to offer us. The company could find copilots off the street if they had to. Then in January 1933, when I got my first command, flying single-engine night mail, I was transferred to Omaha. Dave Behncke met me one night when I came in off the line at Chicago and we talked in his car. I hadn’t really been approached before. Behncke said they couldn’t guarantee too much for a newly pro­moted pilot. But I went ALPA because there was one management pilot who was not instrument trained, who was notorious for pushing pilots. He was a good example of a weather pusher, push­ing pilots to make his record look good. We had a case of competitive flying start up that was the cause of a serious accident. One senior pilot would go out and he would get through because he knew everything, and the next man up, who wasn’t as familiar with the route, was intimidated into taking the mail out, and we picked a bunch of them up off the top of hills. I blame it on the intimidation of [the management pilot], but you had to kill somebody before you really got the problem solved. They finally caught up with [the management pilot] and he got fired.

Thus, to get through the 1920s in one piece and stay on the payroll was no mean feat. But the first generation of professional pilots accepted the risks of the flying game the way it was, often flying under circumstances modern pilots would never accept.

They flew when some unknown railway telegrapher said he could see five, maybe six telephone poles down the track. How good was his eyesight? And would you have company somewhere along the route? Early pilots learned to fly slightly to the right of the tracks just in case a brother pilot might be fumbling along in the opposite direction.

The mortality rates that resulted from this kind of flying were stag­gering. An airmail pilot working for the Post Office Department in 1918 stood only one chance in four of surviving until 1926, when the private contractors took over. The situation improved only slightly thereafter, and as late as the mid-1930s, Behncke was scoring well in debates with the operators by citing the risk factor. A favorite rhetorical device of his was to intone solemnly, at appropriate intervals, that one airline pilot perished in the line of duty every so many days.

One of Behncke’s greatest political achievements was to convince President Roosevelt that the high level of risk that working pilots encountered on an everyday basis justified their getting federal protection. In 1934, FDR’s cancellation of the airmail contracts opened the door for Behncke. Most pilots weren’t surprised that FDR took this drastic action. For months, the Senate investigation into the awarding of the 1930 airmail contracts had filled headlines with charges of fraud and collusion between postal officials and airline executives. And, as we have seen, most pilots were aware of something peculiar in the way the airmail operation was being run. Perhaps, in a moral sense, a case could be made that the major operators deserved to have their airmail contracts canceled. But most pilots opposed the cancellation because since mail was the airlines’ principal source of income, “justice” meant that they were going to get laid off—as indeed many were.

In what can only be called an inspired act of political legerdemain, Behncke turned this dark hour in the history of commercial aviation to ALPA’s advantage. Behncke was the only industry spokesman to support FDR’s decision to cancel the airmail contracts. While Lindbergh, Rickenbacker, and other aviators by the score were howling for FDR’s scalp, Behncke won the President’s gratitude by standing behind him. FDR rewarded Behncke by inserting the following language into the message he sent Congress requesting new airmail legislation to restore the contracts to private bidders: “Public safety calls for pilots of high character and great skill. . . . The occupation is a hazardous one. Therefore the law should provide for a method to fix maximum hours and minimum pay.” Airline executives were appalled when they saw Behncke’s rhetoric enshrined in the President’s special message. A hazardous occupation! To say that pilots deserved special treatment because they weren’t going to be around very long was hardly calculated to get people on airliners.

In a tactical sense, though, Behncke’s harping on the dangers of flying, on the peril a pilot faced each time he went aloft, was the correct thing for him to do at that time. The airlines’ principal business then was mail, not passengers. Scaring people about flying wasn’t going to materially damage any airline’s business. In the future, however, when passengers would inevitably surpass mail as the airlines’ mainstay, ALPA would be able to damage an airline merely by publicizing the safety angle. In effect, Behncke was saying to the operators: “Look! Either you take us in as a full partner in this business, now, or we’re going to be damned disruptive. This is just a sample.”

He made his point. By 1934, Behncke had considerable political support. Most airline executives knew full well that he was becoming the kind of talented polemicist it didn’t pay to fool around with. After 1934 the operators started praising their pilots to congressmen of all political stripes, agreeing that they needed federal protection. Since Congress was obviously going to insert protective provisions for pilots into the Air Mail Act of 1934 anyway, it made sense for the operators to be good sports about it. Besides, they hoped to pass along the increase in pilot salaries to the taxpayers. This turned out to be only partly true, as we shall see, and hence a source of much future friction. But no one could see this in the spring of 1934, when there was a lot of congressional talk about “socializing” the air­mail, recreating the Post Office’s old Air Mail Service. The operators wanted their airmail contracts back on any terms, even if it meant having Behncke and ALPA as de facto partners.

What Behncke proved was that he knew how to play hardball with the big boys, and he did it brilliantly.

Of course there was grumbling among some ALPA members that Behncke was getting awfully big for his britches, attacking their employers like that in Washington. The airlines were, after all, the pilots’ bread and butter, and many pilots disliked undermining them, even for temporary tactical advantage. But this was a minority point of view, coming mostly from pilots so devoted to their employers, perhaps out of fear, that they could not properly distinguish their own interests. And in any case, Behncke had exceptionally good insight into the mental processes of the typical pilot of that era, knowing that when he stressed the dangers of flying, he was on perfectly safe ground.

The truth was that early airline pilots enjoyed wearing the mantle of danger. The devil-may-care attitudes usually associated with flying were a part of the mystique of aviation. Of course, by the late 1920s, much of this kind of thinking among pilots was mostly sham; they were already in the process of becoming quite ordinary technocrats—sober family men, regular in their habits. But airline flying was still an exotic occupation.

It could hardly have hurt Behncke’s cause to emphasize the “danger theme” because it was a major factor in the public’s fascination with flying, and one that pilots encouraged. In the 1920s, particularly following Lindbergh’s flight, professional airmen were socially “in’’ because the public was absolutely air crazy. Any schoolboy of the time could tell you about the aviation feats of Acosta, the Hunter brothers, and countless others.

Although early pilots faced long odds on living to fill a nursing home bed, there were other, nonmonetary compensations. The way kids looked up to you, the thrill of handling the most advanced airplanes in the world, the knowledge that you had a job most men envied. We must remember that the typical airline pilot of that era was a very young man, far younger than the typical airline pilot of today. For young men, mortality is only an abstraction, and the bottom line isn’t always what’s on a paycheck. The pay wasn’t really that bad either, even during the depression. It was the threat of pay cuts, rather than the fact of them, that worried most pilots. The hours were reasonably short, compared with the usual lot of the working class, from which most pilots came, and working pilots were beginning to move well up into the middle class—a far cry from their gypsy status as barnstormers a few years before. Many a pilot was the first in his family line to have the leisure to take up the previously aristocratic game of golf. Or, if improving a golf swing wasn’t a concern, there was time enough to run a business.

Airline flying was, in short, just the same then as it is today, in some respects. It was a good job a lot of people wanted badly—wanted to get paid for what they’d gladly do for free; wanted the romance of skull-hugging cap and goggles; wanted the looks they got from attractive young women. And that brings us to another fringe benefit—it could get a fellow married.

On the other hand, flying could get a girl widowed.

The issue of pilot pushing came to a head when just such a widow filed a lawsuit, charging that her airline pilot husband had been pushed to his death by an overzealous superior. The pilot’s name was Joe Livermore, the airline was Northwest, and the year was 1936. The roots of the Livermore case go back to 1919, when the pilots of the Post Office’s Air Mail Service went on strike rather than submit to “weather pushing.”

The airline pilot of today, who wishes to know his own professional roots, must return now to 1919—the first full year of peace following World War I.

To Chapter 4

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